News Europe updates 14/01/2022 1

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There are moments in history when the screaming problems facing this or that country are solved as a result of the appearance of a person who, as it were, embodies the conscience of the people and illuminates the mass movement with the light of his personality.

Such a person for Italy in the middle of the 19th century. You can rightfully call Giuseppe Garibaldi. He was born on July 4, 1807 in Nice, in the family of a sailor. From a young age, he was destined for the life path of his father - the road to the sea. Already a teenager, Giuseppe became a cabin boy on a merchant ship, visited many ports, including Odessa.

And the time in the south of Europe was stormy. The darkness that fell over Europe after the Congress of Vienna was cut through by outbreaks of revolution in Spain, Portugal, Naples, Piedmont. For nine years there was a liberation struggle against the Turkish yoke in Greece. Young Garibaldi, passing through the waters of the Aegean, dreamed of joining the Greek rebels. In Italy itself, it was as if there was no business for him.

Everything was changed by a chance meeting in the south of Russia, in Taganrog, where Garibaldi sailed, having already become the captain of a small merchant ship, for a shipment of grain. In a small port tavern, an unfamiliar Italian agitated his compatriots to join the Young Italy liberation society. The activities of this society are probably familiar to many of our readers from the novel by Ethel Lilian Voynich "The Gadfly". Young Italy was founded in 1831 by a group of Italian revolutionary democrats led by Giuseppe Mazzini. In contrast to the movement of advanced noblemen - the Carbonari in previous years, "Young Italy" was made up of people who in Russia would be called "raznochintsy". The society waged a struggle for a democratic and united Italian Republic, against Austrian domination and papal authority. Many revolutionaries still hoped to achieve change in the country through conspiracies and solo performances. Others tried to launch agitation among the people.

26-year-old Garibaldi realized that he had found his business. After meeting with Mazzini in Marseilles, he takes part in the preparation of an armed uprising in Genoa and uses the Eurydice ship for this purpose. But in February 1834, the plan of his comrades-in-arms was revealed, many were arrested, and Garibaldi himself, through Nice, moved to the territory of France, miraculously escaping arrest. He was sentenced to death in absentia.

In the summer of 1835, a cholera epidemic broke out in France, and Garibaldi was where people needed help - in Marseilles, he performed the work of an orderly. Soon the second assistant to the captain Garibaldi on the ship went to Rio de Janeiro. The turbulent Latin American period of his life began (again, a parallel suggests itself with the fate of the Gadfly from the Voynich novel). In Brazil, Uruguay, Argentina, there were many Italian emigrants, among whom was Giuseppe. For some time, Garibaldi devoted himself entirely to the craft of a sailor. He even makes a voyage to the distant Chinese port of Macau. But gradually he begins to help the rebels in the south of Brazil, who are fighting against the power of the emperor and slavery. The flagship of the partisans is his ship, named "Mazzini". Battles, flight to Argentina along the La Plata River, storm, arrest... Torture in the dungeons of the dictator Rosas. Friends secured his release. And again - a partisan detachment in Brazil. In Brazil, Garibaldi met his future wife, Anita. She became an inseparable companion of the hero, fought with him, steadfastly endured all the hardships. Soon a son was born - Menotti.

In 1841, the rebels suffered a serious defeat. Garibaldi had to settle in Uruguay. But here, too, he offered his services as a fighter against the troops of Rosas, who were trying to capture a small neighboring country. He fought at sea and on land, organized the Italian legion and honorably got even with his former dictator offender. For the Uruguayans, he became a living legend. News of the brilliant commander also reached Europe. In Italy, the people have already begun to associate his name with hopes for better times. In turn, Garibaldi knew that dissatisfaction with foreign domination was growing in his homeland. At the end of 1847, having heard about the amnesty, he sailed for Europe with his wife, three sons and his entire legion.

When the ship entered the Mediterranean Sea, a storm of revolutions broke out in different countries of Europe in 1848. The news of the beginning of popular uprisings in the Kingdom of Naples gave the Garibaldians great inspiration. One of the fighters, Cocelli, composed a battle anthem:

The graves opened up, and the dead stood up, And our sufferers appeared before us, Crowned with laurel, as once in life, With love for the motherland in a hot chest. Arise now! Arise, O youth of the people! Carry our banner under the wind of freedom...

In his native Nice, Garibaldi was greeted with rejoicing. But in the capital of the Sardinian kingdom (Piedmont), Turin, King Charles Albert received him very coldly. The king feared a mass popular movement. After the defeat of the regular Sardinian army at Custozza, Garibaldi launched a guerrilla war. In the autumn of 1848, he appeared in Central Italy, trying to break through to the besieged Venice, but then an uprising began in Rome, and the commander turned his troops there. But the Roman authorities, despite the extreme popularity of the national hero, were in no hurry to trust him and did not allow him to completely defeat the French corps sent by Louis Napoleon to help the Pope, because. hoped for reconciliation with France. As a result, the French, having brought up fresh forces, took Rome in July 1849. At the same time, only the Garibaldians fought a heroic unequal battle with them ... There was still Venice, to which Garibaldi again began to advance. But the forces of his fighters were exhausted. Only 200 rebels reached the mountains to San Marino. Having gone down to the sea, they settled on boats. At night, the attack of the Austrians followed. Garibaldi carried the mortally wounded Anita ashore. The death of his beloved wife was a severe blow to him.

Everything seemed to be over. Venice fell in August. At the cost of a sea of blood in Italy, the former borders and orders were restored. Garibaldi himself was hastened to arrest the authorities of the Sardinian kingdom, where he took refuge, but under pressure from the public he was released and sent abroad.

For a while, Garibaldi moved away from politics. He makes new sea voyages - to Peru, China, New Zealand; trip around the world. In London, he meets again with Mazzini and the Italian revolutionary emigration. For some time, Garibaldi hoped to unite the country with the help of the diplomatic activity of Piedmont, where Prime Minister Count Camillo Cavour came up with a program of reforms. In alliance with France, to which Savoy and Nice (Garibaldi's homeland) were immediately given, Piedmont began a war with Austria for its Italian possessions.

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Secret societies went into the deepest underground and were strictly conspiratorial. Gradually, they began to expand their activities again. All of them advocated the elimination of foreign presence and the constitution. Many revolutionaries sought to unite the country, but some advocated only a federation of Italian independent states. It was even allowed to preserve the secular power of the Pope in the area of Rome. As before, the program to improve the condition of the peasants was vague and partial. Only the "Society of highly worthy masters", created in Alessandria (Piedmont) under the influence of French utopian socialism, had the slogan "Let differences be destroyed" (property) as a "creed" of its highest venta. The members of the vent were not supposed to even know about each other at that time, receiving orders from above. The movement of the Carbonari was still most significant in the most backward South, where the discontent of the people was stronger.

The revolution in January 1820 in Spain, which opened a rebellious wave in the south of Europe, again inspired the Carbonari. At the head of their conspiracy was Gul-ermo Pepe, a former officer of Murat. He was preparing a plan for an uprising in the Kingdom of Naples. On the night of July 2, 1820, 127 soldiers and junior officers were raised in the city of Nola. The uprising was led by a priest, the head of the local Venta, Luigi Minikini. Everything that followed unfolded as a bright, spectacular Italian spectacle. With cries of “Hurrah, bolder, citizens! Long live freedom and constitution!” the rebels marched through small towns and entered the city of Avellino with the support of the people, increasing their ranks. The rebels took the road to Naples. Other Carbonari venti, warned in the way of ancient Roman times - by fires on the tops of the mountains, also raised uprisings - Naples was cut off from the province, and on the night of July 6, Pepe stepped out in it, followed by two cavalry regiments. Pepe connected with the detachments at Avellino and took command of all the forces of the rebels. Frightened, King Ferdinand promised to give a constitution in eight days. On July 9, the rebels solemnly entered Naples, and four days later the Spanish constitution of 1812 was adopted in the kingdom. The new government was made up of Murat's nominees. Not a single drop of blood was shed! The Austrian ambassador reported to Metternich: “We must agree that constitutional ideas dominate and take root in the nation. The clergy, the nobility, the military, the bourgeoisie, and especially the court employees are imbued with them ... "

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The cause of the war between France and Prussia was their rivalry for hegemony in Central Europe. France was afraid of the strengthening of Prussia and hoped to prevent the unification of German lands under its leadership. Napoleon III declared war on Prussia on July 17, 1870, and already in early August, the Prussian and allied troops of other German states invaded France and surrounded the main enemy forces in the cities of Metz and Sedan. On September 2, they forced the capitulation of the sedan grouping of French troops, in which Napoleon S.

The news of the captivity of the emperor shook Paris. On September 4, crowds of people filled the streets of the capital. At their request, France was proclaimed a republic. Power passed to the Provisional Government of National Defense, which represented a broad bloc of political forces in opposition to the Empire, from monarchists to radical republicans. It did not think about continuing the aggressive war and offered Prussia a truce, counting on the conclusion of an honorable peace in the future. In response, Prussia made frankly predatory demands.

The republicans who came to power in France considered it dishonorable to accept the Prussian terms. They feared that the republic would be suspected of betraying national interests, while even during the revolution of the late 18th century. it earned a reputation as a patriotic regime, unlike, for example, the Bourbon monarchy (1814-1830), which was imposed on the French people by foreign interventionists. But the scale of the losses suffered by France in this war did not leave hope for an early victory. On September 16, Prussian troops appeared in the vicinity of Paris and three days later completely blocked it. Within a short time, they occupied the entire north-east of France, and on October 27 they accepted the surrender of the last major grouping of French troops in Metz. For some time, France remained defenseless against the enemy. The frantic efforts of the government to rebuild military power did not bring tangible results until the end of 1870, when the Army of the Loire was deployed south of Paris.

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The indignation of the Parisians at the terms of the peace was all the greater because they suspected the National Assembly and the government of Thiers of striving for the restoration of the monarchy. At the time, many Democrats sought protection from reaction in the decentralization of power. Therefore, the slogan of granting the French capital self-government, which it had been deprived of since the time of the Empire, gained popularity. The National Guard, which even the Germans were afraid of, acted as the defender of the interests of Paris: at the conclusion of the truce, they did not insist on its disarmament. The National Guard was also the most organized political force in the capital. On February 24, the Republican Federation of the National Guard emerged, headed by the Central Committee. In fact, the leadership of the opposition movement was concentrated in it.

Despite the seriousness of disagreements with the government, no one in Paris thought about an armed uprising, much less prepared it. But the actions of the authorities added fuel to the fire. After the blockade was lifted, the payment of remuneration to the soldiers of the National Guard was stopped. In a city whose economy has not yet recovered from the consequences of the blockade, thousands of residents were left without a livelihood. When the National Assembly canceled the debt collection deferment, in a matter of days, 150,000 debt obligations were presented for payment! The pride of the inhabitants of the capital was hurt by the decision of the National Assembly to choose Versailles as its place of residence.

Playing on the nerves of the Parisians, the government itself pushed them to impulsive actions. At dawn on March 18, 1871, on his orders, the troops tried to capture the artillery of the National Guard, concentrated on the Montmartre hill. The soldiers were stopped by the inhabitants and retreated without a fight. But the unthinkable happened. Generals Lecomte and Thomas, who commanded government troops, were captured by the guards and shot on the same day.

This was enough for Thiers to order the evacuation of government offices to Versailles. Following them, many representatives of the wealthy and idle classes left the capital. The Central Committee of the National Guard remained the only authoritative force in Paris. He temporarily assumed power, at the same time scheduling elections for the Paris Commune for March 26 (as the city government of the French capital was traditionally called). In the remaining time, the mayors of the Parisian districts, other politicians of the republican persuasion tried to reconcile the Central Committee with the Versailles government, seeking the consent of the latter to hold elections. But unsuccessfully. The government made it clear that it considered the Parisian opposition to be criminals who rebelled against the legal order, with whom one could speak only in the language of cannons.

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Since government supporters boycotted the March 26 elections, only a minority of voters took part in the vote - 229,000 out of 485,000 on the lists. 86 people were elected to the Commune, but 20 soon resigned. Therefore, on 16 April by-elections were held. Among the members of the Commune there were famous people, such as the participants in the revolution of 1848, Louis-Charles Delescluze and Felix Pia, or the artist Gustave Courbet. The names of the majority did not say anything to the general public. By the way, only a few of them left a mark on the history of the labor movement at the end of the 19th century: Edouard Vaillant, Leo Frankel, Eugene Pottier. The members of the Commune were by profession officials, doctors, journalists, lawyers, workers. Politically, they belonged to the Proudhonists (supporters of the socialist Proudhon), the Neo-Jacobins and the Blanquists. At the same time, some of them were members of sections of the International Association of Workers

(I International). Political differences hampered the work of the Commune. Pretty soon, a "majority" and a "minority" were formed in it, the clashes of which more than once threatened the unity of the Communards.

The Commune declared its intention to carry out deep reforms, for which more than one generation of French democrats - republicans and socialists - fought. Their simple list is impressive: the replacement of the standing army with the armament of the people, the democratization of the state apparatus (including the election and turnover of officials), the fair organization of labor, the separation of church and state, the introduction of free, compulsory and secular education, etc. No matter how one evaluates the plans of the Commune - sometimes utopian - it is clear that their scale far exceeded the modest possibilities of the Parisian reformers. In many ways, therefore, they have not advanced in their implementation beyond declarations and the first modest steps. The activities of the Commune to meet the urgent socio-economic requirements of the population of the capital turned out to be more fruitful. Among the measures taken by her, the expediency of which is difficult to dispute, are the cancellation of arrears on rent, the gratuitous return to the owners of things pledged in a pawnshop in the amount of no more than 20 francs, the introduction of a three-year installment plan for commercial loans, etc. However, this was not without curiosities, which include an attempt to legally abolish night work in bakeries.

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Is it even possible to strictly judge the chaotic reform attempts undertaken by the Commune, if its main, all-consuming concern was war? In early April, clashes began between the federates, as the fighters of the armed detachments of the Commune called themselves, with the troops of Versailles. Until mid-May, they did not bring decisive success to either side. But the forces were obviously unequal. After failing to enlist the support of the province, the Communards could only rely on themselves. On the other hand, the Versailles government received assistance from the command of the German army with weapons, ammunition and soldiers from among the French prisoners of war released ahead of schedule.

Opponents seemed to be trying to outdo each other in cruelty and excesses. Having learned that the Versaillese were shooting the captured Communards, the Paris Commune adopted a decree on hostages, threatening reprisals against the innocent residents of the capital, who were only suspected of sympathizing with Versailles. Already after the fighting began on the streets of Paris and the days of the Commune were numbered, some of the hostages were shot, among them the Archbishop of Paris, many Dominican priests and monks. Such inhuman actions have no justification, as well as the unprecedented vandalism shown by the Communards during street fighting. They deliberately set fire to a number of buildings in the center of the capital, including the city hall, the Palace of Justice, the Tuileries Palace, the Ministry of Finance, and Thiers' house. Countless cultural and artistic treasures perished in the fire. Arsonists also attempted on the treasures of the Louvre. As for the Versaillese, these days they poured blood over the streets of Paris. The victims of their terror were tens of thousands of citizens who were killed in battle, shot by the verdict of a court-martial or without trial or investigation at all. Tens of thousands of others were sentenced to imprisonment, hard labor or exile.

"Bloody Week" May 21-28, 1871 not only completed the short history of the Paris Commune, but also summed it up. The stubbornness of politicians who did not want to compromise, and the self-conceit of the people's leaders who believed in their historical mission, cost France dearly. Human memory is extremely selective. For some, the Commune has forever remained a gloomy, tragic page in the history of France, for others - a bright celebration of the triumph of democracy and justice.

Having achieved the resignation of a good dozen ministerial offices in a few years, Clemenceau himself, however, did not come one step closer to power. Even worse, his own political future was unexpectedly threatened. In the early 80s. part of his voters went to the socialists, who put forward an even more attractive program of measures in the interests of the working people. It is symbolic that in 1885 Clemenceau refused to represent the too demanding voters of Paris in Parliament, preferring to them the "dear provincials" from the Var department, in the south of the country. Finally, during the "Panama Scandal" in 1892, caused by the facts of corruption of deputies and government officials, compromising connections were revealed. All this cost him a seat in the Chamber of Deputies in the 1893 elections.

This failure was not only a personal defeat for Clemenceau, but also the collapse of the kind of political radicalism that he personified in the 70s and 80s - turned to the past, living in memories of the "great revolution", "Jacobin-acting". Was Clemenceau fully aware of that? In any case, he eloquently distanced himself from the Republican Party of Radicals and Radical Socialists, which was formed in 1901. He preferred to become an independent politician, relying only on loyal friends and on his moral authority.

For nine long years the voice of Clemenceau did not sound from the parliamentary platform. But this time was not lost to his political career. Free from burdensome duties, Clemenceau perfectly mastered such a powerful weapon of struggle as journalism. He edited the newspaper "Justis" - "Justice", took part in the publication of the newspaper "Oror" - "Zarya", founded the magazine "Blok", published articles in many other press organs. Soon he achieved such popularity, which he could not even dream of, remaining only a parliamentary orator. His name was on the lips of tens of thousands of people throughout France, his opinion was listened to in all sectors of society.

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Journalism brought Clemenceau close to prominent representatives of the creative intelligentsia - writers Alphonse Daudet, Edmond Goncourt, Anatole France, Octane Mirbeau, Emile Zola, Joseph Renan, sculptor Auguste Rodin, artist Claude Monet. Obviously, not without their influence, he himself sat down to literary work, writing several works of art. But, having soberly assessed their dignity, he stopped in time. Clemenceau was especially friendly with Monet, whose work he devoted a number of essays. He, in turn, captured the image of a friend in numerous portraits and sketches. Through friendly communication, Clemenceau to some extent made up for the lack of spiritual comfort that he felt in his personal life.

Clemenceau's return to parliament was facilitated by his active participation in the struggle of democratic forces for the revision of the verdict in the "Dreyfus case" (see the article "The Dreyfus case"). It was in the Oror newspaper that Zola published his famous "I accuse!" In 1902, Clemenceau was elected a member of the upper house of parliament - the Senate - from the department of Var. And here he joined the decisive supporters of the justification of Captain Dreyfus, the organization of rebuffing the clerical-monarchist and nationalist reaction, the adoption of a law on the separation of church and state.

When difficulties arose with the implementation of this law, Clemenceau was invited to the government for the first time, entrusting the responsible post of Minister of the Interior. It happened in 1906 - in the 65th year of his life and the 36th year of his political career. Clemenceau not only justified the trust placed in him, but also surpassed the expectations of his colleagues in some way. With the threat of mass strikes in the coal mining industry, he did not hesitate to use armed force against the workers. He finally parted with the romantic dreams of his “radical-socialist” youth and was ready to fight the enemies of the republic not only from the right, but also from the left. Since then, he has gained a reputation as a man of "strong hand", capable of quick and decisive action in an emergency.

All Andorra - All Pyrenees

Thursday, July 14, 2022

News Europe updates 14/01/2022 1

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